Home 
In a previous column I wrote that European Union (EU) ministers are set to meet in October this year to finalize the adoption of an EU-wide immigration agreement dubbed as the “EU Immigration and Deportation Policy.” As the title suggests, union immigration rules will target illegal migrants in 27 EU member countries. Assuming the law is adopted, the days of illegal workers in Europe may be numbered.
Critics view the pact as making a fortress out of Europe, but French President Nicholas Sarkozy’s brainchild has gained support and the controversial pact is set to be approved in the fall. The EU pact has five main points: giving member states the discretion in the selection of immigrant workers according to need; fighting illegal immigration by discouraging massive legalization; enhancing border protection; unifying asylum laws; building partnerships with countries of origin through repatriation projects.
Ever since Europe opened its doors to migrants in various sectors to fill the labor gap brought about by a graying population, workers from various countries started coming. The region drew thousands upon thousands from impoverished countries like Algeria, Morocco, Senegal, Mauritania, Gambia, Guinea, Mali and Ghana. Many of them are French-speaking, seeing in Europe the path to political and economic liberation. In the last 10 years, waves of illegal immigrants descended upon Spain, Italy, Malta and other EU member countries, oftentimes at the risk of their lives. The International Centre on Migration Policy Development has reported that in the last 10 years, at least 10,000 people died trying to reach Europe’s southern shores.
To date, eight million illegal migrants live in so-called “grey zones,” where they suffer intense emotional problems under the threat of being deported anytime. The influx of illegal immigrants has given rise to social and political problems for the region, which is why the EU has decided to streamline immigration policy.
It is estimated that there are close to 113,000 irregular or undocumented Pinoys working in the region, roughly less than two percent of the total irregular work force. In anticipation of the EU policy, Senate President Manuel Villar is urging that the government should make representation in their behalf and “negotiate the best options.”
My own take is this: for a country that has depended largely on OFW remittances to prop up its economy for two decades now, the best option would lean toward a scenario where the host country would grant “mass regularization” to illegal immigrants, the same way Spain extended reprieve to 700,000 illegals in 2005. Unfortunately, Europe is not keen on such a campaign nowadays as evidenced by a specific pledge in the EU immigration agreement.
Perhaps the best deal for Pinoy irregular workers lies with EU’s offer of “building partnerships” with countries “through repatriation projects,” or simply put, money and repatriation. This was a strategy used by France in 2006 to convince illegal workers to go home by giving them seed money that they can use for livelihood projects. The idea of setting up a business as fallback for returning workers was a tactic to get the cooperation of the countries where the illegal migrants come from. It’s quite an option if you ask me, given that France has all the right to summarily deport illegals from their shores.
The Philippine government could pursue this option if the EU intends to get tough on illegal migrants. The only problem is that Filipinos in general have long granted that nothing works in their country. To paraphrase an African advocate, the idea that you can convince Pinoys not to work in developed countries is a lost cause. That’s why even if it takes a lot of sacrifice to work abroad, or the strategy of repatriation and money looks good enough, many Filipinos will still prefer to go through hell by working abroad as illegal workers.
